作者：石勇 2013年3月7日南风窗
普通青年和2B青年，越来越只具有看文艺青年“装13”的份了。公共空间，还有人们的情绪气质，都已“文青化”。
最近两个月中共中央党校主办的《学习时报》至少三次提到有关新加坡政治体制的题目。据香港媒体公布的资料，中国中央电视台也在准备播出有关新加坡现代化经验的十集纪录片。
俞可平对话福山：中国发展模式目前面临的最大挑战
作者：2011 年 3月28日 《北京日报》
问题1：全球化到底对国家主权产生了怎样的影响？
问题1：全球化到底对国家主权产生了怎样的影响？
俞可平：福山先生，全球化对民族国家产生了重要影响，这一问题引起了欧洲、美国、中国很多学者的关注。有学者提出，随着全球化影响的增大，对民族国家的冲击越来越大。还有学者提出，民族国家可能就要消亡。这样的观点在欧洲很容易被接受，因为欧盟国家的传统边界没有了，货币也统一了，甚至欧盟军队也产生了。
萧功秦：超越左右激进主义
作者 萧功秦 20123年8月《超越左右激进主义》自序
中国的改革开放已经进入了第四个十年，可以说，我们已经进入转型中期的深水区，这是决定中国命运的一个新的关键时期。近年来，当改革出现困境时，左的与右的激进主义思潮重新抬头，前者把“文革”浪漫化，要把中国拉回到改革前的平均主义时代去，后者主张实现一场西方化的自由主义“革命”。
瞿宛文：中国模式对发展经济学的贡献
作者：瞿宛文 文化纵横 2012年第3期
摘要:此次金融危机过程中，中国经济的表现突出，因而中国崩解论暂时销声匿迹，中国崛起似乎终于成为共识。有意愿且有能力做到大规模实时有效的刺激经济，是使得中国模式在此次全球危机因应中受到肯定的地方。因此，必须要问的问题是，中国为何具有此项能力？为何能够做到？
郑永年：为什么中国需要建设国家意识形态？
作者：郑永年 2013年1月29日 新加坡联合早报
今天的中国，在意识形态真空的状况下，就必须首先要造就一种全国人民（各阶层、各种族等）都能认同的国家意识形态。这样一种国家意识形态必须是中国的核心价值和共享价值的有机结合。
弗朗西斯·福山：历史视野中的中西政治秩序
作者：弗朗西斯·福山 2013年1月18日东方早报
【编按】本文根据作者2012年10月17日在北京大学的演讲翻译整理；英文稿经作者审订；刊发时有删节。
我想要讲的主题也是我新书的主题，我的新书叫作《政治秩序的起源:从前人类时代到法国大革命》,一共两卷。第一卷刚刚有中文译本出版，从前人类时代，一直讲到18世纪美国和法国的革命。
谁的终结？福山与张维为对话“中国模式”
作者：弗朗西斯·福山、张维为 2011年11月1日观察者网
福山主题演讲：
变动秩序中的中国与世界
变动秩序中的中国与世界
我最近写了一本书叫做《政治秩序的起源》，内容是关于世界各地政治秩序的发展情况。我采用了比较观察的方法来写这本书。
张维为：邓小平南巡讲话背景和中国模式提出
作者 张维为 2012年2月27 日观察者网
先谈一点个人的回忆。我第一次替邓小平作翻译是1985年8月28日，他问我哪里人，我说上海，他问：知道霞飞路吗?我说，是淮海路吧，他笑着点头。那次他是会见津巴布韦领导人穆加贝，穆加贝很左，总担心中国要放弃社会主义了，邓小平反复给他解释，最后我看邓都有点不耐烦了，对他说“我们还有强大的国家机器”，将用国家机器来保证中国走社会主义道路。
Getting ready for China 3.0
作者 Mark Leonard 2012年11月26日 CNN
Mark Leonard is Director of the European Council on Foreign Relations and Editor of China 3.0. The views expressed are his own.
The Chinese like to think of history progressing in 30-year cycles, and have even taken to using the jargon of the internet to describe it. China 1.0 was the three decades of Mao Zedong , the heady cocktail of a planned economy, a Leninist political system, and a foreign policy of spreading global revolution. China 2.0 was Deng Xiaoping’s market revolution which brought export-led growth, political repression and economic
diplomacy. But with the 18th Party Congress concluding its business, many predict that China will not only say goodbye to some of the leading players of the last decade – it will also inaugurate the beginning of a new era: China 3.0.
The year began with a series of powerful signals of change: in January, a village in Guangdong called Wukan was allowed to hold an election to oust corrupt officials suspected of selling off communal land at artificially low prices; in February, the World Bank and the National Development and Reform Commission released a report on China in 2030 calling for a new wave of market reforms; and in March the “princeling” Bo Xilai was ousted from his Chongqing power base with a warning against returning to the Cultural Revolution. These intimations of reformism are responses to a broader malaise. Since the global financial meltdown of 2008, China has been facing a triple crisis of success. China has managed to achieve each of the three goals of Deng’s era – affluence, stability, and power – but the policies that allowed China to reach them are now in danger of becoming self-defeating. China 3.0 will be defined by the quest to escape each of these three traps.
For most of the last 30 years, China’s leaders have been kept awake at night worrying about their country’s poverty and the problems of a socialist economy. But today it is China’s affluence and the problems of the market that are causing sleepless nights. China’s leadership has spent a generation obsessively focusing on economic growth at the expense of all else, and the new vested interests that have been created are resisting the economic rebalancing required for long-term development. A surge of conspicuous private consumption and vanity projects has come at the expense of investment in public goods such as pensions or affordable healthcare or public education.
On one side of the debate about how to escape from the affluence trap are economists such as Zhang Weiying, who form the core of the pro-market New Right. They pioneered the gradualist economic reforms of the 1980s and 1990s and now want the state to finish the job and privatize the rest of the economy: restart the interrupted privatization of the state sector; give the private sector equal rights to finance; and end collective ownership of land. On the other side of the debate are New Left thinkers who favor boosting wages, ending the artificial subsidies for exports, providing access to social services, reforming the hukousystem, and ending the “financial repression” of artificially low interest rates. The problem for the approaches of both the left and the right is that they run into the massive vested interests that have grown during the dizzying two decades in which crony capitalism has taken off.
How to break that is increasingly a question that impinges on politics. After the Tiananmen Square massacre and the collapse of the Soviet Union, China eschewed Western-style political reforms for fear that they could lead to the dissolution of the country. But the sociologist Sun Liping – who supervised the PhD of Xi Jinping, the next president of China – argued that the country’s obsession with stability is becoming self-defeating: “The ultimate outcome of the massive stability preservation project is in fact the intensification of social tensions.” It is true that social unrest has grown even faster than China’s market – from 9,000 riots a year in the mid nineties to 180,000 last year. That is one riot every two minutes. Privately, some scholars go even further, warning of another “Tiananmen.” A growing number of thinkers, inspired by the elections in Wukan, are calling on the party to embrace wide-ranging political reform. But others feel that only the charismatic power of a leader – combined with the political organisation of the party – can cut through the vested interests and rebuild links with an increasingly restive citizenry.
China’s third big challenge is how to deal with a surge in its global power on the back of its breakneck economic growth. For a generation Beijing’s foreign policy was guided by Deng Xiaoping’s injunction to “tao guang yang hui,” which literally means “hide its brightness and nourish obscurity.” But it is hard to sustain a low profile when your country has the second-biggest economy in the world, your military spending is growing in double-digits, and you have a physical presence in every continent. Foreign policy professionals still want to accommodate Western power, and show “modesty” and “prudence” are even more important. But they are struggling against those who argue that China now finds itself in a bi-polar world and that the only way to stop America from containing it is to revisit old doctrines such as non-alignment, non-intervention and the primacy of economics.
Incredible as it might seem to Western ears, a majority of intellectuals have started to talk of the Hu-Wen era, which delivered an average of 10 percent annual growth, as a “lost decade” because much-needed reforms were not made. They say that to prevent the country stumbling, China 3.0 will need to include changes to the status-quo as radical as the onset of communism in 1949 or the embrace of the market in 1979. But unlike during those earlier periods, today’s reformers do not have international models to guide them.
It is not just the Beijing consensus that is broken; the models of the West are also discredited. The leaders of China 3.0 find themselves in uncharted territory.
Mark Leonard is Director of the European Council on Foreign Relations and Editor of China 3.0. The views expressed are his own.
《中国3.0》：中国式辩论
徐滇庆：中国是汇率操纵国吗?
作者 徐滇庆 2010年4月14日《财经网》
近期，美国彼得森国际经济研究所的所长伯格斯坦（Fred Bergsten)在美国国会作证的时要求把中国列为汇率操纵国（Currency manipulator)。其实，在经济和金融学教科书上很少见到“汇率操纵国”的提法和有关案例分析。既然伯格斯坦提出此问题，我们就有必要刨根问底，认真探讨一下汇率制度设计的基本原理和汇率操纵国的定义。
朱雲漢：中国大陆兴起与全球政治经济秩序重组
作者 朱雲漢 2013年1月21日观察者
本文为朱云汉教授2012年9月28日在台湾大学的讲座文字内容，讲座原题为《中国大陆兴起与全球秩序重组》，观察者网全文整理首发。
朱云汉：我今天来给大家做这个报告，我希望它产生的作用是给大家进行一次震撼教育。如果我没有达到这个效果的话，就算我失败了。
非洲与中国：新殖民主义还是新型战略伙伴关系？
作者 [古尔默·阿布杜罗(Gourmo Abdoul LÔ) 著 马京鹏 译 《国外理论动态》 2012年第9期
本文为毛里塔尼亚进步力量联盟国际部秘书古尔默·阿布杜罗(Gourmo Abdoul LÔ)于2009年6月在巴西圣保罗召开的金融危机与左派战略国际研讨会上提交的论文，并刊登在法国《国际通讯》杂志2010年“国际金融危机”专刊上。文章分析了中非友好合作关系的起源和发展以及中国在援非投资中发挥的影响，认为中国在非洲的投资进程仅仅是反映中国经济在全球扩张和在世界经济体系中重新定位角色的一种正常活动；
俄罗斯之声：“新加坡模式”成中国未来10年发展方向？
作者 2013年1月23日 俄罗斯之声
中国第五代领导人的上任活跃了人们对“中国模式”以及中国走何种发展道路的讨论。中国媒体也在刊登越来越多有关新加坡把严格的政治制度与自由经济成功结合的经验的文章。中国的现代化是否可取新加坡模式？
郑永年：新加坡模式的经验及其启示
佩里·安德森：两场革命
张晖明：中国崛起与“中国经济学”的发展
华生：可以有但还没有的中国模式
作者： 华生 2010年4月2日 《经济观察报》
今天讨论的是中国模式，我的观点很简单，我认为中国模式用时髦的话就是可以有，但是现在还没有。目前最多可以说中国正在探索一条道路，寻找一个途径，但这还不能称作是一个模式，因为它还不清晰、不定型和不稳定。所谓模式相对来说是已经形成一个比较固定的框架，具有相当的稳定性，乃至在一定的情况下可以复制。通常我们讲的模式大概都是这样。如果要从这几个角度来看，现在中国模式还不存在。
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